Could Putin purposefully have put nearly all the Russian military far away from Moscow?

Surprising cracks, if small ones, appear in Kremlin support for Putin on Ukraine: Excellent echo opinion by David Igntius for The Washington Post.

File under, "Putinology 103"

Russian Revolution March 8, 1917 – June 16, 1923:
The Russian Revolution was a period of political and social revolution that took place in the former Russian Empire which began during the First World War. This period saw Russia abolish its monarchy and adopt a socialist form of government following two successive revolutions and a bloody civil war.

Maine Writer's two cents: With a huge chunk of Russia's military positioned around the Nation of Ukraine, these hungry soilders do nothing but wait for their KGB "wizard of oz", to give the order to advance.  Obviously, the world is furious with Putin for risking war in Europe without any provocation from the Ukrainians.  

In my opinion, Putin's political veneer is peeling away. Therefore, putting the Russian military far away from Moscow keeps him safe from another Russian Revolution. Obviously, as 1917 proves, the Russian people know how to start and end revolutions!  

David Ignatius writes- Vladimir Putin presented a theatrical justification for war with Ukraine on Monday, but initial Russian military actions along the border were limited — and there seemed to be a few small cracks in Kremlin support for Putin’s obsession with regaining Russian dominion in Kyiv.

Putin appeared to be setting the stage on Monday for an all-out invasion. Under the dome of a grand state chamber in the Kremlin, he signed documents recognizing two Russian-backed enclaves in eastern Ukraine as independent “republics.” He then ordered some of the 150,000 Russian combat troops surrounding Ukraine to enter the breakaway regions in a (#FakeNews!) “peacekeeping” operation.

Putin may hope to provoke an armed response from Ukraine that would provide a pretext for a larger assault. But the initial “peacekeeping” move into Donetsk and Luhansk was limited, and a senior Biden administration official was careful to avoid describing it as an invasion, noting that Russian forces have been operating covertly in the two enclaves for nearly eight years.

In fact, Biden administration seemed to be calibrating its response, reacting less sharply to Putin’s recognition of Donetsk and Luhansk than did some other world leaders. The administration clearly wants to leave the door open for Moscow to stop short of an attack on Ukraine that is opposed not only by a unified NATO alliance but — perhaps more sobering for the Russian leader — by China as well.

Putin is “the ultimate political performance artist,” as Fiona Hill and Clifford Gaddy put it in a biography. Monday’s carefully staged events evoked both the majesty of imperial Russia and the pettiness and paranoia of its modern-day leader.

The day’s events began with a televised command performance of Putin’s security council in the ornate Kremlin chamber. 

Putin asked each of his ministers for their recommendations (??) about recognizing Donetsk and Luhansk. Many responses were dutifully on script, but there were several surprises.

Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov said Russia’s demands for security guarantees were “not an ultimatum,” and he seemed ready to meet Thursday with U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken, for more talks. Lavrov also conceded NATO’s unity, advising Putin that at this past weekend’s Munich Security Conference, “every Western representative declared their absolute commitment to a unified approach,” which “confirmed that we need to negotiate with Washington.”

Some of Putin’s other ministers fed his passion to subdue Kyiv. Defense Minister Sergei Shoigu said Ukraine could obtain nuclear weapons and pose a greater threat than Iran or North Korea. And Nikolai Patrushev, head of the security council, said Western nations “are hiding their true goal — to destroy the Russian federation,” a favorite Putin theme.

But the big surprise came when Putin quizzed Sergei Naryshkin, head of the SVR, Russia’s foreign intelligence service. Naryshkin advised that threatening to recognize Donetsk and Luhansk would be useful leverage for implementing the 2015 Minsk agreements to settle the conflict in the eastern region. Russia has claimed to support Minsk, but Monday’s recognition of the two breakaway enclaves as independent will probably derail any chance for the agreement. In response to Naryshkin’s answers, Putin got antsy.

Russian official, politician, businessman and the Director of the Foreign Intelligence Service since 2016.

Sergey Yevgenyevich Naryshkin

What followed was a rare Kremlin moment of quasi-dissent. “Speak clearly, do you support recognition?” demanded Putin. “I will,” answered his spy chief. “You will, or you do?” demanded Putin. When Naryshkin waffled and said he would support “bringing them into Russia,” Putin shot back, “That’s not what we are discussing. Do you support recognizing independence?” To which the vexed spymaster answered, “yes.”

The SVR chief may have been rattled by the astonishing ability of U.S. intelligence to read (and publicize) Russian intelligence plans about Ukraine. Whatever the reason, Max Seddon, Moscow correspondent for the Financial Times who translated the exchange in Twitter posts, noted that the session was “like the finale of the Sopranos.”

White House officials see other signs of dissension within the Russian leadership. Retired generals have criticized the invasion plan. Prominent Russian intellectuals have publicly challenged Putin. And public opinion polls have suggested limited support for war.

Putin tried to woo the public with a solo television performance after the Kremlin meeting. It was a meandering, seemingly unscripted monologue from his office, with Putin sitting at a big desk surrounded by three phones, two computer screens and a potted plant.

Putin sounded like a man trying to sell his country on the need for war. He offered a long, rambling history lesson, the gist of which was that Ukraine had become, in his words, a Western “colony with a puppet regime” that didn’t deserve to be independent of Russia. He even offered a WMD rationale for taking action, repeating Shoigu’s warning that a future Ukraine could obtain nuclear weapons.

The omnipresent chip on Putin’s shoulder has never seemed heavier. “We are being blackmailed, they are threatening us with sanctions,” he said. “A new pretext will always be found or fabricated. Irrespective of the situation in Ukraine.” And why? “To keep Russia behind, to prevent it from developing. … Just because we exist.”

Putin is very far out on a limb with the huge invasion force he has assembled, poised for action. He runs a one-man show in Moscow. 

In the Ukraine confrontation, anything can happen, but that limb has never looked shakier than it did on Monday.