Maine Writer

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Tuesday, March 26, 2019

Fake Barr letter - at least ten unanswered questions



An echo opinion from David Leonhardt published in The New York Times.
 MaineWriter opinion, the reason these questions are outstanding with pundits are because the Muller Investigation was shut down before they could be answered.Americans must see the Mueller Report


still haven’t seen the Mueller report
Here are 10 big questions, compiled with help from articles that appeared elsewhere (David Leonhardt*):

1. Did Robert Mueller find evidence that the Trump campaign colluded with Russia, but that the collusion was not criminal?

2. Related: Why did Barr’s four-page summary appear to define coordination with Russia so narrowly — as an “agreement” between the Trump campaign and the Russian government — and does this word choice suggest that the Mueller investigation found coordination that did not rise to the level of an agreement?

3. What did Mueller discover about Paul Manafort — Trump’s campaign chairman — having shared poll data with a political operative who had apparent ties to Russian military intelligence? (Manafort’s lawyers inadvertently revealed those interactions earlier this year.)

4. Why did Trump and his associates repeatedly lie about their contacts with Russians?

5. Why did Mueller not charge Jerome Corsi, a conservative conspiracy promulgator and an associate of Roger Stone, despite reportedly engaging in plea negotiations with Corsi last year?

6. Does the arrest of Maria Butina, a Russian spy with ties to the National Rifle Association, have anything to do with Mueller’s investigation?

7. Did Mueller find evidence that the activities of Trump or his aides have compromised national security?

8. Did Mueller find any evidence of efforts by the United Arab Emirates and other Middle Eastern countries to influence the 2016 election?

9. Did Mueller issue no decision about obstruction of justice because he believed a sitting president could not be charged with a crime — and thus the decision was ultimately a political matter, to be decided by Congress, rather than a legal one?

10. Did Mueller investigate the possibility that Trump’s businesses helped Russian criminals launder money before he became president, or did Mueller consider this beyond the scope of his investigation? (If he investigated and found no evidence, it would reduce the urgency for the House to pursue this matter.)


*This echo opinion was published in The New York Times by David Leonhardt.  In Maine Writer Opinion, the reason these questions are unanswered are because the Robert Mueller investigation was shut down before he was finished. 

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Friday, March 22, 2019

Robert Mueller Russia Report overview - follow the evidence



The Mueller report seems to be coming soon. Maybe.

David Leonhardt says he wants to review what Robert Mueller's investigation (and others) have already uncovered.

The brief version: So far, there is no clear evidence that the Trump campaign and Russian officials worked together to coordinate campaign strategy. Trump and his defenders have tried to conflate this with innocence. 

Repeatedly, like an orange parrot, Donald Trump's mantra is “No collusion.”

But that’s both wrong and a brazen lowering of the bar for presidential behavior. 

Even without any further findings, the Mueller investigation shows that Trump has repeatedly violated his oath of office by lying to the American people, breaking the law, putting his personal interests above the country’s and secretly working with a hostile foreign country. The details:

Russia interfered in the 2016 election to help Trump. Russian officials hacked the emails of Democratic officials and created a social media campaign designed to hurt Hillary Clinton and help Trump.

Trump campaign officials knew of these foreign efforts and encouraged them. The president’s son did so. As did George Papadopoulos, a campaign adviser. And Trump himself publicly urged Russia to hack Clinton’s emails — on the same day Russian hackers tried to breach her private server for the first time.

Trump campaign officials attempted to conceal contacts they had with Russians and other foreign officials. Trump and his associates repeatedly lied to the public and to investigators about their more than 100 contacts — including meetings, phone calls and emails — with Russians during the campaign. Among the examples: Michael Flynn, a campaign aide who became Trump’s national security adviser, lied about phone calls he had with the Russian ambassador to the United States.

Campaign officials knew in advance about the WikiLeaks email dumps. Before WikiLeaks released stolen Democratic emails, Roger Stone, a longtime Trump associate, told campaign officials it would happen.

Trump was secretly pursuing a business venture in Russia and lied about it. During most of the 2016 campaign, Trump associates worked to build a Trump Tower in Moscow, while publicly denying any such business relationship. Trump’s former lawyer, Michael Cohen, lied to Congress about the talks and was sentenced to three years in prison.

Trump directed a subordinate to break the law. During the campaign, Trump directed Cohen to pay hush money to women who claimed to have had affairs with Trump. The secret payments violated campaign finance laws.

Trump’s campaign was run by criminals. The Mueller investigation has also uncovered separate financial crimes committed by top campaign officials. Both Paul Manafort, the campaign chairman, and Rick Gates, a Manafort protégé, have been indicted on conspiracy and fraud. Others tied to the campaign, including Papadopoulos, have also received prison sentences.


For more:
In a Times Op-Ed, James Comey, the former F.B.I. director, writes that he hopes the Mueller report shows that Trump did not hinder the investigation.

My newsroom colleagues Larry Buchanan and Karen Yourish have put together a helpful guide to the people implicated in the investigation. FiveThirtyEight’s Amelia Thomson-DeVeaux and Perry Bacon Jr. note that Mueller’s court filings so far amount to a kind of public report.

Neal Katyal, a legal expert, has also put together a helpful Twitter thread on the subject. “Don’t focus on the one-line spin. Focus on the facts, judgments, and limitations in the Mueller Report,” he writes.

The legal scholar Joyce White Vance notes that the end of the Mueller investigation doesn’t necessarily mean the end of Trump’s legal issues. “Mueller appears to have stayed carefully within his lane, sending cases that strayed from his core mission to US attorneys & DOJ divisions,” she tweeted. “These career prosecutors will work their investigations to a conclusion, even after Mueller closes shop.”

And Aaron Blake of The Washington Post outlines what could happen to Mueller’s report once the attorney general has it.

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Friday, January 11, 2019

Moral issues confuse Donald Trump- maybe he needs a big letter to sign just like he did in Singapore

https://www.nytimes.com/2019/01/11/opinion/shutdown-border-wall-trump-democrats-dreamers.html


#stoptheshutdown

Why should Speaker Nancy Pelosi and Senator Chuck Schumer ever make a deal with Donald Trump when he reneges on nearly every one of his debacle agreements? Let's face it, Donald Trump is a con artist, or as the late New York columnist Liz Smith said, he's a "horses ass".  A "deal or no deal" negotiation to end to the useless, destructive, cruel and inept government shut down over how to fund a border wall with Mexico - that Trump promised the Mexicans would pay for (but won't!)- might be accomplished if Kim Jung Un wants to loan our powerless US Congress that big black portfolio, the one with a mysterious letter in it, the one that he and Trump signed in Singapore. Trump likes big. Indeed, the "bigger" or more huge, the better, as far as he's concerned. Hey there, President Kim Jung Un! Can Americans borrow that big black letter portfolio, so we can get Donald Trump to sign an executive order to re-open our government?  You can have it back when we're again open for business.

Here's another point of view with a little more optimism in this column- Opinion echo by David Leonhardt published in The New York Times

“The wall isn’t negotiable b/c it’s based on lies, racism & white nationalism.”- Reverend William Barber
First, Obamacare marches on: In the latest sign of the law’s success, Maine has become the 36th state to expand Medicaid, thanks to the insistence of the state’s voters.

Janet Mills, Maine’s new Democratic governor, implemented the expansion more than a year after voters approved it in a ballot referendum. The previous governor — Paul LePage, a Republican — had refused to honor the referendum’s result. As a result of Mills’s move, more than 500 Mainers gained health insurance, and many more will be covered in coming years.

Maine's Governor Janet Mills signs Medicaid Executive Order as approved by the state legislature and the voters
The larger lesson is to avoid despair. Changing laws is hard work, often involving years of frustration. But it really is possible for politics to improve people’s lives. Congratulations to all of the voters, activists, politicians and medical professionals in Maine who kept fighting for this change.

Let’s make a deal
Should Democrats be willing to bargain on the border wall — say, win big progress on other parts of immigration policy in exchange for wall funding? I asked this question on Twitter yesterday, and the roughly 1,500 responses were split almost evenly between yes and no.

I was struck by the even split, because it’s consistent with my own conflicted feelings. There is a real case for bargaining. The wall would not transform this country’s immigration policy, and it’s plausible that President Trump would agree to real concessions — like legal status for the young immigrants known as Dreamers — for wall funding.

Yesterday, a group of Republican senators began pushing for a deal broadly along these lines. The editorial boards of The Washington Post, The Chicago Tribune and The New York Post all favor such a compromise. It could also protect immigrants from Haiti, Honduras and El Salvador who are fleeing natural disasters and whose protected status Trump has revoked, writes Ali Noorani for CNN.

My own view is that Democrats should remain open to a deal, but not put too much hope in it. For one thing, the chances seem slim that Republicans will make big enough concessions, given the hardline immigration positions of top Trump advisers.

For another, I worry about the political effect of rewarding Trump’s tactics on the wall. Remember, he canceled a deal to keep the government open that both Republican and Democratic members of Congress agreed to. He did so in large part because Fox News hosts and other conservative pundits began making fun of him. And his case for the border wall is based on a torrent of lies.

“To those who say, ‘Trump should give DACA (Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals) for , Pelosi should do the wall,’ we must say a clear, ‘No.’” Reverend William Barber tweeted yesterday, referring to the policy that would make Dreamers legal. “The wall isn’t negotiable b/c it’s based on lies, racism & white nationalism.”

The Democrats’ best bet is probably to force Trump to end this mess himself, likely through a legally questionable declaration of emergency. That declaration would be the subject of a legal fight, and it would create some political risks for Trump. 

Trump is, apparently, considering taking money away from disaster relief in Florida and elsewhere, which doesn’t seem like the smartest move, given the state’s electoral importance.

The shutdown isn’t going well for Trump. Voters mostly blame him, polls show. Republicans in Congress are grumbling. If Democrats are tempted to make a deal, it needs to be a very favorable one.

Pop-culture postscript: A reader points out that the wall fight echoes a “House of Cards” plot line. In season 3, the president diverts money from disaster relief to pay for a jobs program that Congress refused to fund. House of cards, indeed. (Ugh another reality show disaster!) - MaineWriter- By the way, does anybody happen to have President Kim Jung Un's email address?  He seems to have some public relations sway with our American dictator.  Maybe Kim Jung Un can loan us that mysterious black letter portfolio he used to charm Donald Trump in Singapore.

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Monday, December 11, 2017

Senator Susan Collins must lead rather than follow

Instead of demanding something real, she accepted vague promises.

It's been Maine's experience with Senator Susan Collins that she has the political experience to remain loyal to her values while supporting the Republican agenda. She is a leader who is adept at bringing people of all persuasions together. Now, her political acumen is being challenged by her own colleagues. 
Senator Susan Collins has the opportunity to show leadership by remaining a centrist rather than purely partisan.  She should vote against the Republicans who have made empty promises in exchange for her support of  *tax cuts for the rich*

An echo opinion, re-blogged, by David Leonhardt in The New York Times.

Susan Collins is often called one of the last centrists. 

She is a classic New England Republican, a senator who mostly votes with her party but is willing to buck it.

A couple of weeks ago, Collins made a classic Collins deal. It tried to split the difference between Democratic and Republican positions.

But it sure looks like a bum deal now. It also looks like a cautionary tale for anyone who wants to occupy the political center during the age of Donald Trump and a radicalized Republican Party.

Here’s the back story: Collins said that she would vote for the recent Senate tax bill so long as Republicans leaders promised to pass other legislation — in the near future — that would reduce the bill’s knock-on damage to health care programs.

She laid out three conditions. She wanted her colleagues to pass two separate bills that would shore up insurance markets for people who weren’t covered through their job. And she wanted congressional leaders to promise to undo the Medicare and Medicaid cuts automatically triggered by the deficit increase from the tax cut.

Her colleagues assured her they would pass the bills she wanted — not immediately but soon after the tax bill had passed. Collins decided that was good enough, and on Dec. 2, she became one of 51 yes votes on the tax bill.

When Collins describes her deal, she makes it sound both ironclad — her word — and substantial. She has spoken of a personal commitment from Mitch McConnell, the Senate majority leader. And she’s emphasized that the deal isn’t merely for show. It will, she insists, protect Medicaid and Medicare — two programs particularly important to Mainers, given the state’s large elderly population.

“I also got an ironclad commitment that we’re not going to see cuts in the Medicaid/Medicare program as a result of this bill,” Collins said on “Meet the Press.”

But some of Collins’s fellow Republicans evidently have a different definition of ironclad.

Within days of the Senate vote on the tax bill, conservative House Republicans started saying that they didn’t care about her deal. She did not make it with them, and they do not feel bound by it as they negotiate the bill’s final language with the Senate. These House members, as Politico put it Friday, have decided to “thumb their nose” at Collins.

Meanwhile, Paul Ryan, the speaker of the House, has been undermining Collins in his own way. He has made clear that he will use the new deficits created by the tax bill to justify the very thing Collins opposes: Medicare and Medicaid cuts. Those programs, Ryan told a talk-radio host, are “really where the problem lies, fiscally speaking.” Cutting them is a top priority for 2018.

If anything, Ryan’s snub is more significant. House conservatives might still fold and approve the narrow deal that Collins thought she had. But Republicans will not permit the more meaningful promise she’s made — that the tax bill won’t lead to health care cuts. Tax cuts and health care cuts are inexorably bound.

So in exchange for her vote, Collins received, at best, a cosmetic fix that she will have to pretend is something more.

What was her mistake? It was both tactical and strategic.

The tactical error was to fritter her moment of leverage, when the Senate bill’s fate was uncertain and she had the potential to influence other swing senators. Instead of demanding something real, she accepted vague promises.

She can still vote against the version of the bill that emerges from House-Senate negotiations, but she doesn’t have the sway she did before. Senators usually don’t switch their vote at this stage, and the tax bill will pass without her if no other Republican flips (with Vice President Mike Pence breaking a 50-50 tie.)

Her strategic error is the one that holds lessons for other would-be centrists. Namely, she defined the political center in relative terms rather than substantive terms. Republican leaders — not just Trump, but McConnell and Ryan too — have moved sharply to the right. They are rushing through a bill without the normal procedures. They are making verifiably false claims about it. And they have decided that taking health insurance away from Americans is a core Republican principle.

COMMENTS

~Collins made the mistake of chasing after an impossible deal. She wanted to position herself between the two political parties, and she wanted to protect Medicare and Medicaid. When it proved impossible to do both, she claimed otherwise — and put a higher priority on politics than policy.

~In Trump’s Washington, other centrist Republicans are going to face a version of her dilemma, again and again. They are going to have decide which matters more to them: being a loyal Republican or being an actual centrist.

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