Maine Writer

Its about people and issues I care about.

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Location: Topsham, MAINE, United States

My blogs are dedicated to the issues I care about. Thank you to all who take the time to read something I've written.

Tuesday, December 30, 2025

Maine Governor Janet Mills action to prevent local and state law enforcement from assisting mass deportations

 https://mailchi.mp/ff411d23f1fc/topsham-local-scoop-6426902?e=9cbe492604

Governor Mills Will Not Veto LD 1971, Preventing Local and State Law Enforcement from Becoming Tools in the Mass Deportation Effort. Reported by Topsham Maine Democrats.

Maine: 
LD 1971 will limit state, county, and local law enforcement from assisting in immigration enforcement – enforcement that is now violating basic legal and human rights. 

An Act to Protect Workers in This State by Clarifying the Relationship of State and Local Law Enforcement Agencies with Federal Immigration Authorities- voted ought to pass as amended. Check details on Maine.gov at this link here. 

After passage, the Governor held the bill, considering whether to veto it or allow it to become law without her signature at the start of the January session. 

On December 15, Governor Mills announced that she would let it become law, effective in 90 days. Law enforcement agencies opposed the bill, having long cooperated with ICE and Border Patrol. But LD 1971 does not prohibit law enforcement from working with federal agencies to solve serious crimes, nor does it prevent compliance with federal law or judicial warrants. 

What it does prohibit are immigration enforcement favors for ICE: holding people beyond their lawful release time, questioning individuals about immigration status, calling ICE or Border Patrol based on immigration suspicions, bringing Border Patrol to routine traffic stops, or sharing nonpublic information about a person’s whereabouts.
Governor Janet Mills
.....recognized, that while cordial relationships between Maine law enforcement and federal immigration agents may be good on many matters, the immigration system that ICE and Border Patrol supports no longer respects due process or human rights. Instead, they support the sweeping incarceration and removal of mostly ordinary people who are not dangerous, many of whom were playing by rules – rules that are suddenly up-ended. History will likely judge this as harshly as the roundup and incarceration of Japanese Americans during World War II.

The damning evidence is extensive. 
Some who appear in court for a due process hearing are arrested and deported without a hearing after their cases are arbitrarily dismissed. This makes others afraid to appear in court as required to maintain their legal status.

People, regardless of how long they have lived here, arrested on suspicion of crossing the border other than at a port of entry (a misdemeanor) are illegally imprisoned without bond hearings, where they could be released while they await their immigration cases.
Asylum applications have been halted regardless of merit.
Immigration judges are being undermined and reduced to pro-deportation rubber stamps.

People are being told to go to third countries as a tactic to block legitimate asylum claims.

The Trump Administration used third countries as places of torture or sent people to dangerous war-torn areas.

At least 170 citizens, including 20 children, have been swept up and detained, sometimes brutally, in ICE and border patrol’s violent show of force.

Governor Mills was right to let LD 1971 become law. Maine’s law enforcement must not be complicit in sending people into this unconstitutional human rights catastrophe. We hope law enforcement will comply with the spirit and letter of the law and agree that this is not something Maine should be assisting with. Rather, let's show support and humanity to those being oppressed.

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Wednesday, February 21, 2024

Republicans own the failed bipartisan border and immigration bill. You broke it then you own it!

Echo opinion published in Texas, the Houston Chronicle 

WASHINGTON, DC — Texas' Republican senators sadly helped to block a bipartisan border security bill they said would do too little to slow crossings that have reached record highs during the Biden administration, effectively ending a months long drive to pass the first major immigration legislation in decades.
Texas Republicans Senator John Cornyn and Senator Ted Cruz

Republicans own the bipartisan failed border bill


Republicans, including John Cornyn and Ted Cruz, lambasted the Biden administration continuously for failing to stem the migrant tide at the southern border. 
But then, they voted against an arduously negotiated, bipartisan bill, backed by Border Patrol personnel, containing unprecedented measures to do just that. Then they twist themselves into pretzels trying to justify their opposition by mischaracterizing what the bill does. (The bill does not just “let” 5,000 people a day into the country.) 😡 Fake News ❗

We are not stupid. We all heard Donald Trump instruct Republicans to refrain from constructive action on the border so that he can thwart Biden and make the campaign claim that he is the only one who can fix it. Trump exacts compliance by threatening to direct his obedient supporters to vote against any Republican who defies him. The self-interest, hypocrisy and dishonesty of these politicians toward the country and toward all of us is staggering.

From Maureen Wharton, in Houston Texas

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Tuesday, March 29, 2022

Failed Border Wall: You have to believe "to go" ladder shops are popping up in Mexico

 A Section of Trump Border Wall in South Texas Cost $27 Million a Mile. It’s Being Foiled by $5 Ladders.

Echo report published in the Texas Monthly by Aaron Nelsen.

“Ladders and walls go together like peas and carrots,” says one McAllen Border Patrol agent.
A portion of the US-Mexico border wall stands unfinished near La Joya, Texas, on 14 April 

Trump’s $27m-a-mile border wall being scaled with $5 ladders.

Every month for the past decade, Scott Nicol, a 51-year-old artist and activist, has set out from his home in McAllen to roam the Rio Grande Valley in search of ladders used to scale the border wall in South Texas. On a cool and overcast day in early April, Nicol has centered his hunt on an eight-mile stretch of border between the towns of Hidalgo and Granjeno, where an Obama-era wall meets up with a newly constructed piece of Trump’s wall.

The first stop of the day brings him to a dirt field behind a flea market in Hidalgo. A pair of green and white Border Patrol SUVs are parked atop the eighteen-foot-high concrete levee wall, next to a section of bollard-style fence with a closed gate, their noses pointed toward the Rio Grande. Within minutes, Nicol has spotted a ladder roughly halfway up the levee; it’s about a dozen feet long and has only six rungs. “It’s made of cheap, rough wood, quickly nailed together because it is only going to be used once,” Nicol says. “Unlike the wall, these ladders are functional.”

$2.99 ladder available at Hobby Lobby with a 90-return guarantee!

Just a few minutes later, as Nicol is inspecting the ladder, a group of about thirty disheveled migrants emerge from the brush after crossing the river into Texas from Mexico. Young men and women toting small children in their arms walk to the agents, who jot down their information as the new arrivals place their meager belongings into plastic bags. These migrants are not sneaking in; rather, they are seeking out U.S. Border Patrol in this intensely patrolled area. A half hour passes before the agents open the gate and escort the group of migrants through it single file. They shuffle down the levee wall and onto a waiting bus bound for a processing center where they will request asylum. 

It’s early yet, a border agent tells me, and the groups will only grow larger into the evening. As for the ladder? “That’s from our regulars,” one agent quips over his shoulder.

Nicol, an ardent opponent of border walls, can’t help but note the irony: asylum seekers turn themselves over to agents who then escort them through gates in the wall, while so-called regulars—unauthorized migrants—make use of rudimentary ladders to easily climb a barrier specifically designed to keep them out. “These ladders are probably $5 worth of hardware,” Nicol said, “and they’re defeating a wall that cost $12 million a mile in that location.”

Few possess Nicol’s intimate familiarity with the 55 miles of wall intermittently stitched across the Rio Grande Valley. The artist has spent countless hours over the better part of a decade in the shadow of the wall, picking through the detritus of personal effects that migrants leave behind or lose in the chaos of an apprehension. “I try to understand the realities of migration and enforcement,” Nicol explained, “and the ladders show how absurd the idea is that a wall is going to stop anybody.” He has become a sort of connoisseur of ladders, amassing an impressive collection of several dozen photos of them. Some show the ladders strewn about, while in others they are in disorderly piles or set at varied angles of repose against the wall. They are almost always jerry-rigged, cobbled together from scrap lumber, and they are varied in length. Some are as long as the wall is high—about eighteen feet—and others are just tall enough for a migrant to reach the top.

Rope-and-PVC ladders that make use of metal hooks are popular in areas upriver, but along the Granjeno-to-Hidalgo stretch of border, where it is a short dash from the Texas bank of the Rio Grande to the levee wall, simple wooden ladders seem to be the preferred technology. They are heavy, cheap, and rarely used more than once. Border Patrol agents drive their trucks over the ladders to break the rungs, then toss the mangled wood into piles. When the heaps grow large enough, the City of Hidalgo hauls them off to a landfill.

The agents drive off with the migrants after an hour or so, and Nicol continues his search for ladders, by car and on foot, locating four more as the wall stretches westward. He finds still another in Granjeno, where the newly built 1.3-mile Trump wall joins up with a 1.75-mile piece of wall authorized during the Bush administration and built during Obama’s presidency. The cost of the Trump wall in this area—an 11.4-mile stretch from just west of Granjeno downriver to the Santa Ana National Wildlife Refuge—runs to about $27 million a mile. In recent months, the number of apprehensions has soared. Border Patrol caught more than 171,000 migrants along the southern border in March, the highest one-month total in fifteen years. Nicol is finding more and more ladders—further evidence, he said, that the wall is not about stopping people or drugs. “Border walls are just backdrops for politicians who want to rile up their voters,” Nicol said. “They have political value, and that’s what counts.”
Like something out of a fairytale, a set of shocking pink seesaws sprang up right in the middle of the United States border wall with Mexico.

Despite its obvious vulnerabilities, some border agents maintain that the wall serves a useful purpose. While it won’t stop everyone, it will slow them down and give agents time to react, said Chris Cabrera, a McAllen-based Border Patrol agent and local spokesperson for the National Border Patrol Council, a labor union that supported Trump. “Nine times out of ten we’re going to catch them,” Cabrera said of immigrants who use ladders. But lately, Border Patrol agents have been swamped with the volume of immigrants in the Hidalgo area and cannot effectively respond to climbers. “We have people turning themselves over, and at the same time, when it’s dark we have people with ladders, but we got nobody to go over because we’re tied up.”

One McAllen-based Border Patrol agent, who asked to remain anonymous because he is not authorized to speak to the media, told me that the number of ladders the agency is finding has increased as well. “Ladders and walls go together like peas and carrots,” he said.

Ladders have been used to counter walls for thousands of years, pointed out Ronald Rael, a professor of architecture at the University of California at Berkeley and the author of Borderwall as Architecture: A Manifesto for the U.S.-Mexico Boundary. “A wall is a medieval war technology, and the responses to it are antiquated technologies that have been proven to surmount it, that includes ladders, catapults, and tunnels,” said Rael, who made headlines in 2019 with a short-lived art project titled Teeter-Totter Wall, which placed pink seesaws between the slats in the border fence that separates El Paso from Juarez.


The fact that a DIY ladder is enough to beat it makes spending billions of dollars on further construction seem folly, according to Guadalupe Correa-Cabrera, an associate professor at the Schar School of Policy and Government at George Mason University. 

In fact, the sections of levee wall that broke ground under the George W. Bush administration and continued under the Obama administration cost about $12 million per mile. Though contractors are still billing for Trump’s wall, the average cost per mile in Hidalgo County, based on contracts and appropriations, is roughly double that amount. “The companies that build the wall are the ones who are benefiting, not just from building it, but maintaining it and adding technology to it,” said Correa-Cabrera.

Despite securing about $6 billion in funding from Congress and diverting nearly $10 billion more from the Department of Defense budget, the Trump administration managed to complete only forty miles of “big, beautiful wall,” about twenty of them in the Rio Grande Valley. One of its unfinished projects can be found in Granjeno, where a section of levee wall (with no fencing on top) built during the Obama years abruptly ends at the edge of this no-stoplight town. The Trump administration set out to fill in the gap between Granjeno and Hidalgo, building a new section of levee wall topped with steel bollards rising some thirty feet high. But contractors didn’t manage to finish installing all of the bollards before President Joe Biden paused construction. Situated at the base of the incomplete Trump wall is Cabrera’s Bar, an open-air watering hole.


On the day I visited in late March, a band called the House was covering classic rock standards to the delight of a few dozen winter Texans, the retirees who spend their winters on the Texas-Mexico border. I asked the proprietor, Guadalupe Cabrera (no relation to the security expert or border agent), if he had seen any makeshift ladders recently. Without uttering a word, Lupe, as he’s known locally, pulled out his mobile phone to show me a photo of a wooden ladder. It was broken and dumped in his parking lot, he told me, his train of thought interrupted by a pair of white buses with tinted windows driving past his bar in opposite directions. “That would make for a good photo,” Lupe said, “one bus hauling (immigrants) off, the other heading to pick up another load.”

For the better part of the last decade, Granjeno has been smack in the middle of the most heavily trafficked migrant corridor on the southern border. A few of the town’s residents are rumored to offer help to immigrants for the right price, Lupe confided. More often than not, the immigrants Lupe sees around town, and on occasion inside his bar, are doing their best to hide from Border Patrol. “I’ve found them hiding in the bathroom,” Lupe told me. “One guy with tattoos yelled ‘shut the fucking door’ and I knew right away that he was gang member.”

Border Patrol agents and construction crews building the Trump wall also frequent Cabrera’s Bar. After Biden paused construction in late January, leaving a gap in the wall by the bar, some contractors kept on stopping by for a drink. “These guys are making money whether they build or not,” Lupe said of the contractors, “but really, what good is a wall if they don’t change immigration policy?”

A few days before my visit to Cabrera’s, Nicol had paid a visit to the bar. He quickly found a ladder—about twelve feet in length, all wood—lying at the edge of the parking lot. He found another wooden ladder of about the same length on the opposite side of the levee wall. He sent me a photo of each ladder and gave its approximate location using the border wall and the bar as reference points. “There’s a band and the place is packed,” Nicol said of Cabrera’s. “It’s a real party.”

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Tuesday, June 04, 2019

Innocent migrant children and the humanitarian disaster at the southern US border


"Meanwhile, the situation for children stuck at overcrowded Border Patrol stations is growing more dire."

Sixteen-year-old Carlos Gregorio Hernandez Vasquez, who died after being diagnosed with a strain of the potent H1N1 flu virus, was the third child to die in Border Patrol custody since December.


WASHINGTON, DC — Migrant children at the Southwest US border increasingly find themselves caught in a bureaucratic purgatory, stuck sleeping on concrete benches or even outside at Border Patrol stations, while the agency that’s supposed to care for them is close to exceeding its capacity, according to three U.S. government officials and documents reviewed by NBC News.

Health and Human Services (HHS), the agency responsible for sheltering migrant children and matching them with a parent or sponsor, is operating at 97 percent capacity, far over its designated "red zone" of 90 percent. Because many facilities only take certain ages or genders, being so close to capacity significantly delays the ability of HHS to find children a place in its care.


HHS was warned in early January that its plans to close a tent facility for 3,000 children in Tornillo, Texas would mean overcrowding in facilities run by Border Patrol, the first agency to receive all undocumented migrants apprehended for crossing illegally, according to two of the U.S officials.

At the time, Tornillo had been the site of protests, including by now-Democratic presidential candidate Beto O'Rourke, for keeping "kids locked up." And children were being more rapidly placed in homes due to a change in screening procedures that allowed parents to claim their children without subjecting the entire household to a background check.

But officials from Customs and Border Protection (CBP), the subdivision of DHS that runs the Border Patrol, projected a surge in the number of unaccompanied children arriving at the southern border as the weather improved into the spring. Rather than placing 250 children per day in HHS care, CBP said the agency should be taking in closer to 350 per day in order to keep from overcrowding.

Instead, HHS has been taking in about 300 per day, according to figures reviewed by NBC News.

DHS Acting Secretary Kevin McAleenan, who was formerly the CBP commissioner, has warned that more children could die if they continue to wait in Border Patrol facilities for long periods of time.
Kevin McAleenan (This portrait causes me to ponder a resemblance to Dr. Fischer, Governor (Warsaw District), in the Government General of Poland in 1944.
Nazi look-a-like....


An average, children are spending 110 hours in Border Patrol custody, with 86 of those hours, or 3.5 days, spent waiting on a pickup from HHS, according to data reviewed by NBC News.

HHS has so far been reluctant to admit it has a capacity issue.
Officials from the Department of Homeland Security, the agency that oversees the Border Patrol, have publicly and privately warned that there will be more deaths of children at border stations if HHS does not increase its capacity. HHS contends that its hands are tied without more funding from Congress.

Meanwhile, the situation for children stuck at overcrowded Border Patrol stations is growing more dire.

As of May 31, 1,448 unaccompanied migrant children — those who cross the border without their parents — had been in Border Patrol custody more than 72 hours, the limit for a migrant of any age, according to data reviewed by NBC News. Of those, 333 were under the age of 12, including infants and toddlers. In total, 1,851 unaccompanied migrant children were in Border Patrol custody, and the vast majority — 1,402 of them were — had been processed by the Border Patrol and were waiting for HHS to designate a bed for them at one of their roughly 100 facilities across the country.

Border Patrol facilities in the Rio Grande Valley and El Paso, Texas and Yuma, Arizona are seeing the bulk of the overcrowding, according to data reviewed by NBC News.

Officials say some children there have had to sleep on concrete slabs, on floors with no mats, or even outside as they wait to be processed and sent to HHS care. Once at an HHS facility, children sleep in bunk beds, attend school and are assigned social workers who check in with them about their well-being and the status of their case.


A spokeswoman for HHS said the agency continues to receive children from DHS.

"To help estimate capacity needs, we are in daily contact with DHS regarding numbers of children being referred to HHS for care with priority given to minors pending placement," she said.

DHS (Homeland Security) and CBP (Customs and Border Patrol) did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

Sixteen-year-old Carlos Gregorio Hernandez Vasquez, who died after being diagnosed with a strain of the potent H1N1 flu virus, was the third child to die in Border Patrol custody since December. Border Patrol officials blamed his death in part on his six-day wait in a border station due to delays to move him to the custody of HHS, which is equipped to provide better living conditions and medical care.

At other times, there have been close calls. Recently a 1-year-old boy who crossed with his grandmother was kept in Border Patrol custody for nine days, according to two U.S. government officials. Because he did not cross with his legal guardian, U.S. law considered him an unaccompanied child and therefore designated to be cared for by HHS until he could be matched with a sponsor. During that time, he developed a fever of 105 degrees. Luckily, he survived and was eventually transferred to HHS custody, the officials said.

Another DHS agency, Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE), has also taken criticism for the backlog of children in Border Patrol custody. ICE is responsible for transporting children between Border Patrol and HHS care. But an ICE official said the agency has seen no delays as long as there are beds available for children at HHS.

"This is largely indicative of the crush of a demographic we are not prepared for," the ICE official said about the backlog of children.

A former HHS official said the agency was aware late last year that there would be capacity issues, but without Congressional funding for more space, the agency's hands are tied. A recent supplemental budget request included more beds for migrant children, but has so far been rejected in the Democratic-controlled House of Representatives, where allocating money for President Donald Trump's immigration policies is met with extreme skepticism.

The former HHS official said due to protests around the Tornillo tent facility, HHS is unlikely to be able to use "non-traditional" shelters in emergencies in the near future.

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